{"id":4797,"date":"2025-01-23T17:41:48","date_gmt":"2025-01-23T17:41:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/thewitnessexeter.co.uk\/?p=4797"},"modified":"2025-02-25T15:29:56","modified_gmt":"2025-02-25T15:29:56","slug":"freedom-society-at-exeter-exploring-free-speech-and-political-discourse-with-jon-mcbride","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/thewitnessexeter.co.uk\/?p=4797","title":{"rendered":"Freedom Society at Exeter: Exploring Free Speech and Political Discourse with Jon McBride"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n \t<\/i> Read Time:<\/span>14 Minute, 46 Second <\/div>\n\n <\/div>\n

What is the Freedom Society? <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

At its core, the Freedom Society is built around a commitment to free speech, freedom of expression, and the exchange of ideas. \u201cFreedom doesn\u2019t have a manifesto or a specific constitution,\u201d explains the current president, Jon McBride. \u201cIt\u2019s all fairly up to the president. But the society has always stood for certain principles\u2014freedom of speech, expression, and movement\u2014and creating a space where voices from across the spectrum can be heard.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Weekly \u201cPints and Policy\u201d sessions are central to the society\u2019s activities, offering a mix of casual discussion and thought-provoking talks. Topics range from the political philosophy of Nietzsche to conspiracy theories and current affairs, reflecting the society\u2019s eclectic and intellectually curious nature. \u201cWe\u2019ve had everything from someone condensing their dissertation into a 20-minute talk to open debates on contentious issues like immigration,\u201d Jon says. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

While the society is largely political in its objectives, it also emphasises building a sense of community. It offers a forum for like-minded students to connect, socialise, and forge lasting friendships, all within a framework that values individuality and an exchange of ideas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Job Mcbride and his Journey at The Freedom Society<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

For Jon McBride, a second-year Mechanical Engineering student and the current president of the Freedom Society, joining wasn\u2019t part of a direct plan but rather the result of a recommendation that piqued his interest. \u201cMy brother went to a different university, but he had friends of friends who were involved with Freedom,\u201d he recalls. \u201cWhen I heard about it, I thought it sounded interesting, so I decided to check it out.\u201d Since becoming a member and later taking on the role of president, Jon has seen the society maintain much of its original format and ethos. \u201cI think it\u2019s largely the same,\u201d he reflects. \u201cOne of the things I\u2019ve thought about as president is how to make it evolve, but I\u2019ve tried to keep the format consistent because I don\u2019t see a problem with it. It works.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jon\u2019s political journey began in sixth form, where he realised he didn\u2019t align fully with either Labour or the Conservatives. \u201cThat was when I started to really pay attention to politics,\u201d he says. \u201cI wanted to be part of something that could challenge the system, even in a small way.\u201d His dissatisfaction with mainstream political parties, particularly the Conservatives, also played a role. \u201cConservatism as a right-wing ideology is relatively new, historically speaking,\u201d Jon explains. \u201cBut the Conservatives have been asleep at the wheel for a long time. A lot of the issues in Britain today can be traced back to their failures.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jon\u2019s decision to step into a leadership role was driven by a broader frustration with the state of politics in Britain. \u201cWatching the general incompetence and decline in the political system was a big motivator,\u201d he admits. \u201cI ran uncontested for president, but it wasn\u2019t just about filling the role\u2014it was about wanting to be part of something that could push back against that decline.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jon believes the influence of student political societies is more indirect but no less significant. \u201cIn theory, a society could march on Whitehall and make a statement, but that\u2019s not really how it works,\u201d he explains. \u201cThe real influence comes from spreading ideas. All political movements start as niche or radical concepts. Capitalism, for example, was once a fringe idea.\u201d For Jon, student societies also serve as training grounds for future leaders. \u201cMany powerful people started in university societies,\u201d he notes. \u201cThese spaces help develop public speaking skills and the confidence to engage in politics, even if only in small ways.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He notes that student societies are often spaces where radical or unconventional ideas gain traction. \u201cYoung people tend to be more radical, for a number of reasons,\u201d he says. \u201cThat\u2019s why societies like Freedom can help shift the Overton window\u2014the range of ideas considered acceptable in public discourse.\u201d Jon points to the rise of both left- and right-wing commentators on social media as evidence of how cultural discourse is evolving. \u201cThe Overton window has shifted back slightly in recent years,\u201d he observes. \u201cBut you also see laws being passed that limit certain types of speech, which some argue is proof of institutional capture.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Freedom Society\u2019s role on campus has not been without controversy. \u201cWe\u2019ve had a couple of open letters written about us,\u201d Jon says, referencing a particularly contentious talk on fatherlessness that drew criticism from other societies. \u201cThat\u2019s just the nature of Freedom\u2014when you push boundaries and introduce challenging ideas, not everyone will agree.\u201d Despite the criticism, Jon sees the society\u2019s impact as largely positive. \u201cSome of the ideas we discussed just a year ago are now part of mainstream discourse,\u201d he notes. \u201cIt\u2019s about creating a space where people can explore ideas, even if they\u2019re not widely accepted yet.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The society also aims to critique both sides of the political spectrum. \u201cWe\u2019ve critiqued Labour, the Conservatives, and the establishment as a whole,\u201d Jon explains. \u201cIt\u2019s about shaking up the status quo. Political discourse gets stale, and when that happens, people become disenfranchised. Freedom is here to challenge that.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Accessibility is also a priority for the Freedom Society, with measures in place to ensure that all students can participate. \u201cWe conduct risk assessments for every event, and all our speaker events are held on campus, where accessibility needs are met,\u201d Jon says. \u201cEven our \u2018Pints and Policy\u2019 sessions are held in venues with accessible entrances.\u201d Jon emphasises that the society is open to everyone, regardless of background or ability. \u201cIf anyone has specific needs, they\u2019re encouraged to reach out. We\u2019re more than happy to make accommodations.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Discussing the Decline of Britain: <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Understanding Britain\u2019s Challenges: The Economic Realities of Stagnation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Often framed as a nation in long-term decline, Britain has faced sluggish economic growth, stagnating wages, and deteriorating public services in recent decades. Jon approaches this question with an analytical lens, pinpointing structural and policy failures that have compounded over time, particularly since the 2008 financial crisis. \u201cThe UK\u2019s GDP per capita has effectively stagnated since 2008,\u201d he explains. \u201cWe are essentially no better off than we were 15 years ago. That\u2019s an extremely worrying trend.\u201d He notes that this stagnation is not unique to Britain\u2014France and Germany have faced similar economic malaise\u2014but argues that the UK\u2019s situation is particularly self-inflicted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the key issues, Jon believes, lies in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and the response of British banks. \u201cPost-2008, lending to businesses in the UK initially recovered by 2010 but then fell sharply and never returned to pre-crisis levels,\u201d he says. \u201cThis is in stark contrast to the US, where credit markets bottomed out in 2012 but rebounded by 2016. The UK imposed stricter capital and liquidity requirements on banks, which limited their ability to extend credit to the private sector. Meanwhile, the US allowed credit to flow more freely, particularly through regional banks.\u201d As a result, Jon explains, UK banks diverted capital away from private investment and into government bonds, starving businesses\u2014especially smaller firms\u2014of the funding necessary to grow and innovate. \u201cIt made borrowing more expensive and stifled productivity. If you look at the bell curve of firm productivity in Britain, we have a large cluster of low-productivity firms, fewer highly productive companies compared to some of our European counterparts, and a long tail of underperforming businesses dragging down the average.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Energy costs, another major factor, are significantly higher in the UK than in competitor economies. \u201cBritish businesses pay four times as much for energy as their US counterparts,\u201d Jon points out. \u201cAnd while France has also faced productivity stagnation, their energy prices remain much lower, particularly due to a more efficient approach to nuclear power.\u201d The high cost of energy, combined with restrictive planning laws dating back to the Industrial Redistribution Act of 1948, has made it more difficult for businesses to expand and thrive in the UK.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another critical issue, according to Jon, is the overqualification of the British workforce. \u201cWe have one of the most overqualified labour forces in the world\u201437% of UK workers report being in jobs they are overqualified for. Degree inflation is rampant, and a 2:2 from a British university holds almost no economic value anymore. It just leaves people saddled with \u00a345,000 in debt.\u201d He attributes this to policies introduced by Tony Blair, who sought to push 50% of young people into higher education. \u201cThe economic idea was to create a highly mobile, highly educated workforce. But what actually happened was an oversaturation of non-STEM degrees, while rising house prices reduced mobility, and a lack of investment post-2008 meant there weren\u2019t enough high-paying jobs to go around.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Britain\u2019s struggles with infrastructure investment further exacerbate the problem. \u201cWe don\u2019t build enough. Our nuclear power plants cost five times as much as in South Korea, largely due to excessive regulatory overreach. Projects like Hinkley Point balloon in cost and face endless delays. This is a fundamental problem of institutional sclerosis.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jon also criticises the government\u2019s approach to Net Zero, arguing that decarbonising the grid has been handled poorly. \u201cI believe in man-made climate change, of course. But if decarbonisation means that energy prices quadruple and people fall into poverty, then they will be less climate-conscious, not more.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ultimately, Jon believes that the UK needs to become a more attractive place for business and investment. \u201cWe need to cut corporate taxes, reduce red tape, and make it easier to build. Our stock market is uncompetitive, more companies are delisting, and we aren\u2019t seeing enough IPOs. The barriers to growth need to be dismantled.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Crisis of Trust in UK Institutions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trust in UK institutions\u2014whether Parliament, the monarchy, or the media\u2014has eroded significantly in recent years. Jon sees this as both a national issue and part of a global crisis. \u201cOver the past year, almost every incumbent government has suffered a major setback. The Tories lost here, Germany\u2019s coalition is in turmoil, France is facing parliamentary upheaval, and Trudeau is deeply unpopular in Canada.\u201d The erosion of public trust stems from a growing sense of political unresponsiveness and a disconnect between governing elites and the general population. This sentiment has been particularly evident in Britain, where concerns over immigration have consistently been ignored. \u201cFor 20 years, every poll has shown that the British public wants lower immigration. Instead, we\u2019ve seen the largest rise in immigration in our history over the past five years. People feel like no one in power is actually listening to them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond immigration, media institutions, particularly the BBC, have faced criticism for failing to accurately reflect public sentiment. This has contributed to the rise of alternative media sources, as people seek outlets that align with their perspectives. The mainstream media\u2019s decline in influence, coupled with widespread disillusionment with traditional political parties, has fuelled a broader crisis in democratic engagement. Jon suggests that unless these institutions make a concerted effort to reconnect with the public, political instability and populist movements will continue to gain traction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Britain\u2019s Role in a Multipolar World<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

With the global political landscape shifting towards multipolarity, Jon is sceptical about Britain\u2019s ability to maintain its relevance. \u201cShort-term, we are in a deep hole. The government is borrowing at unsustainable levels, and people still want more spending and lower taxes. Something has to give.\u201d He argues that Britain must make difficult choices to regain economic and political stability, particularly as it competes with larger powers like the US, EU, and China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the most pressing issues is the sustainability of public spending. The NHS and pensions are among the biggest financial burdens, and Jon contends that reforms are necessary to avoid fiscal collapse. \u201cThe current triple-lock pension system is unsustainable. We should move to a double lock, tying pension increases to wage growth rather than inflation.\u201d He also points to inefficiencies in the NHS, where bureaucratic bloat and increasing demand have strained resources. \u201cThe NHS is treated almost like a national religion. People don\u2019t want to hear that reforms are needed, but wait times are increasing, inefficiencies are growing, and we lack middle management where it\u2019s actually needed.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Brexit\u2019s Role in Britain\u2019s Decline<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jon is critical of how Brexit has been handled, arguing that it was an opportunity squandered by poor governance. \u201cIt could have been an opportunity, but it was catastrophically mismanaged. The government panicked when EU research grants dried up and threw open the doors to international students to keep universities afloat. That led to a surge in low-skilled immigration and the proliferation of low-quality degrees designed just to issue graduate visas.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond immigration, Brexit has failed to provide Britain with a coherent foreign policy direction. \u201cThe revolving door of prime ministers, each with no clear vision, has left Britain floundering. Labour is now focused almost entirely on domestic economic concerns, while foreign policy has been left adrift.\u201d Without a strategic vision for Britain\u2019s role in global politics, the nation risks becoming increasingly peripheral in key international affairs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gender Equality and Social Policy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

On social issues, Jon is cautious about government intervention. \u201cOf course, the government should promote gender equality. But we need to be careful\u2014equality of opportunity is essential, but equality of outcome is another matter entirely.\u201d He warns against policies that prioritise quotas over merit, arguing that well-intended efforts can sometimes lead to unintended consequences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jon is particularly critical of how the government has handled gender-based violence. \u201cThe grooming gang scandals showed that the government prioritises maintaining peace along ethnic lines over tackling systemic issues like violence against women. The policing crisis is a major factor\u2014corruption and inefficiencies have left women and vulnerable groups at greater risk.\u201d Without meaningful reform in law enforcement, he believes that issues of gender-based violence will continue to be inadequately addressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Britain\u2019s Identity Crisis: A Colonial Past and Modern Role<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Jon addresses Britain\u2019s perceived identity crisis, which some argue has hindered its progress. \u201cThe left-wing narrative of colonial history is often historically illiterate. The reality is that colonialism did not make Britain rich\u2014it was, in fact, a financial burden. That doesn\u2019t excuse the atrocities committed, but endlessly dwelling on past crimes isn\u2019t productive.\u201d He acknowledges the importance of historical awareness but cautions against allowing national guilt to dictate contemporary policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jon argues that Britain needs to move beyond debates over its imperial past and focus on policies that will shape its future. The nation\u2019s decline, he contends, is not due to historical legacies but rather to stagnation in economic and political decision-making. \u201cWe need to build more, invest more, and cut through the institutional red tape that is strangling growth. The country has immense potential, but it needs a radical shift in direction.\u201d Without such changes, Britain risks cementing its place as a declining power rather than reclaiming its role as a dynamic global player.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Future of the Society<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Looking to the year ahead, the society is determined to expand its presence on campus by creating more opportunities for engagement. A key goal is increasing membership through a variety of events that cater to a wide range of interests. Social gatherings like pub crawls and events such as \u201cPint and Policy\u201d will remain central to their strategy, providing an environment where students can discuss political ideas and challenge each other\u2019s views. Additionally, there are plans to collaborate with other political societies, including Labour and the Greens, to foster a spirit of constructive debate across ideological lines. This approach seeks to address the growing polarisation among students and demonstrate that individuals with differing beliefs can engage respectfully and productively.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For students who may be hesitant to join due to preconceived notions about the society, there is a conscious effort to soften its image. The Freedom Society recognises that it has sometimes been perceived as overly intense or unwelcoming, but it aims to counter this by emphasising inclusivity and openness. The focus is on creating a space where students feel comfortable sharing their opinions without fear of judgment. Events are designed to be as much about building friendships and camaraderie as they are about discussing policy or debating ideas. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In terms of its legacy, the society aspires to leave a lasting impact on the University of Exeter by championing the principles of free speech and critical thinking. It aims to challenge students to think deeply about their beliefs and to engage with perspectives they might not encounter elsewhere. By standing up for truth and encouraging rigorous intellectual debate, the society hopes to shape a campus culture that values open dialogue and mutual respect. This enduring commitment to fostering meaningful discussions and breaking down barriers will, they hope, define the society\u2019s role at the university for years to come.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To find out more about the University of Exeter Freedom Society, please follow this link to see their page on the Exeter Student Guild Website: https:\/\/my.exeterguild.com\/groups\/7XTM9\/freedom-society<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Or check out their Instagram: https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/freedomexeter\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

* The Witness Journal\u2019s Senior Editors, Veronika Parfjonova and Emily Hone, conducted interviews with all of the societies that were willing to participate as part of a feature series to showcase political party societies at the University of Exeter*<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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